Review of The Papers
of George Washington:
Revolutionary War Series, Volumes 4 - 12
The Journal of Southern History
Reviewed by Charles Royster
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Since publication began in 1985, the volumes of the Revolutionary War series
of The Papers of George Washington have been edited by Philander D. Chase.
For the most recent three volumes-10, 11, and 12-Chase has been chief editor
of the project as a whole. The Revolutionary War series has become a more
collaborative effort, with special responsibility in the hands of Frank
E. Grizzard Jr. The project has continued to be a model of scrupulous editing
and timely publication. Volume 4 appeared in 1991, Volume 12 in 2002. This
series and the Presidential series are still in progress. The colonial,
confederation, and retirement years, as well as diaries and journals, have
been published. It is possible that Philander Chase will be the last editor
of The Papers of George Washington, seeing to successful completion a monumental
undertaking that lie joined as an assistant editor more than twenty years
ago. The period from April 1776 to December 1777 included the most active
and dramatic movements of Washington's army during the eight years and nine
months of war, except the capture of the British force at Yorktown, Virginia,
in 1781. The next volumes of the Revolutionary War series will cover the
winter encampment at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, the more systematic training
of American soldiers, the somewhat anticlimactic close of the high-level
recriminations long known as the Conway cabal, and the battle of Monmouth,
New Jersey, in June 1778, as the British army withdrew from Philadelphia
to New York City. Notwithstanding these much-discussed episodes-which, in
December 1777, still lay in the future-George Washington and the soldiers
under his immediate command were finished with large-scale fighting by the
end of the period covered in Volume 12. Contemporaries and historians have
censured some of the military decisions of both Washington and the British
commander, Sir William Howe, in the campaigns of 1776 and 1777. Washington's
ill-advised and poorly executed attempts to hold Long Island and Manhattan
ended in his retreat southward across New Jersey. Yet Howe never seemed
to wish to take the fullest advantage of the Americans' weaknesses and mistakes.
Washington's most important success in combat-the documents are in Volumes
7 and 8-was the surprise attack at Trenton on December 25-26, 1776, and
the ensuing resurgence of the American effort in New Jersey. The Continental
Army's biggest victory in 1777 belonged not to Washington but to Major General
Horatio Gates, whose forces near Saratoga, New York, surrounded and captured
the invading army under Major General John Burgoyne. Meanwhile, Washington
twice lost battles in Pennsylvania, and the American capital, Philadelphia,
fell to the British. Sir William Howe went into winter quarters and asked
the ministry in London to relieve him of command.
All the while, George Washington worried about keeping his army intact,
recruiting a new force in 1777 to replace short-term soldiers, and acquiring
food and supplies for his men-approximately 11,000 of them at the start
of autumn operations. Washington's immersion in concerns of combat, politics,
and logistics affects the character of these volumes. Letters to Washington
substantially outnumber letters from him, and many of the latter survive
in the handwriting of his young aides. Of course, he did not confide his
thoughts to his subordinates or to members of Congress after the retreat
across the Delaware River, when he told his kinsman Lund Washington that
if recruiting failed early in 1777, "1 think the game will be pretty
well up" (Vol. 7, p. 291).
The Continental Army in all its detachments never numbered more than
about 35,000 men, and Washington never commanded in person more than about
one-third that number. Washington often told anyone who would heed him-and
many who would not-that he wanted an army that "moves like Clock-work"
because, without his men's assiduous exertions, "it is no better
than an ungovernable Machine, that serves only to perplex and distract
those who attempt to conduct it" (Vol. 6, p. 360; emphasis in original).
He was frequently perplexed and distracted during the months covered by
these volumes. But he contributed to his army's defeats by dispersing
his forces, by succumbing to flank attacks, and by trying to defend indefensible
positions. His complicated, synchronized, nighttime advance on the British
from differ- ent directions ended in an American rout at the battle of
Germantown. Notwithstanding such missteps of Washington and his men, amply
dramatized in these volumes, the Continental Army and its commander persisted.
The victory at Saratoga and perseverance despite reverses helped to convince
the government of France to make its aid overt and to recognize and ally
itself with the United States. Ultimately, then, the story that emerges
from the documents in these volumes is one not only of maneuvers and engagements
but also of sustaining cohesion and effort amid defeats.
The editors have adhered to their long-standing policy of restraint in
annotation. There is no excursus such as Julian P. Boyd's thirty-four-page
essay on Benedict Arnold's brief stay at Westover plantation in Volume
5 of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (Princeton, 1952). Nevertheless, battles
are complicated in their communications as well as in their events, and
the docurnents that came to Washington provide no context or explanation
for their contents. Consequently, we find for the battle of Brandywine
on September 11, 1777, an "Editorial Note" that is substantially
longer than the eight short letters it ably explains (Vol. 11 pp. 187-201)
Many footnotes contain extensive quotations from contemporary texts bearing
upon the main document. By Volume 12, it takes 712 pages of text and notes-to
cover two months in 1777, despite the omission of "routine"
documents that are available in a CD-ROM edition of the papers (Vol. 12,
p. 713).
One of the rare generals who could give up his rank and go home without
hesitation or regret, Washington often thought about his estate at Mount
Vernon when he wished to give his mind a rest. He envisioned changes and
improvements to be executed by his and his wife's slaves and other workers,
a diversion he kept up even when Lund Washington's report on crops was
bad, as it was at the end of 1777. As the American cause seemed to be
collapsing in December 1776, Washington worried about having his papers
evacuated from Mount Vernon to the Shenandoah Valley. Late in life he
contemplated building a separate structure at Mount Vernon "for the
security of my Papers of a public nature" (Retirement series, Vol.
1, p. 142). Concerned about his own record and reputation, he also understood
that his papers were an integral part of the history of his nation. Anyone
concerned with that history owes a debt of gratitude to the editors of
The Papers of George Washington.
Charles Royster Louisiana State University
Royster, Charles. Review of The Papers of George Washington:
Revolutionary War Series, Volumes 4-12 in The Journal of Southern
History, volume 69, number 1 (February 2003), 146-48. |